Mohammad Yunus can go down in history as the architect of new Bangladesh | Ideas

After mass protests forced longtime Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to resign and flee the country in early August, Bangladesh found itself at a unique moment of opportunity to chart a path toward true democracy.

The interim government appointed to deal with the legacy of Hasina's 15-year rule is led by Nobel laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus and includes civil society leaders.

Yunus, a popular social activist, is well equipped to lay the foundations of a new, truly democratic Bangladesh. He can use the experience of Bangladeshi civil society to create social cohesion and bring much-needed reckoning to the country's tortured past. There are many ways he can protect and expand public spaces. He could, for example, disband security units responsible for enforced disappearances and torture, reform the much-maligned NGO Affairs Bureau to ensure it supports civil society, or amend the Foreign Donations Law that creates a legal framework for civil society to receive international funding.

He must, however, act quickly, as history tells us that moments of opportunity and hope like this can be short-lived. After the removal of a dictatorship through a revolution, democratic institutions can become victims of the exchange of officials. In the absence of a plan for what follows, pro-democracy elements can be overwhelmed and distracted by fast-paced events.

In such cases, tribal forces and mandates, which continue to hold power because of their ties to the clergy and the military, often fill the void of emerging power. Sometimes, the military itself takes over. In some cases, leaders brought in as representatives of democratic forces resort to pressure themselves to try to do everything together.

For example, in Sudan, the 2019 overthrow of strongman Omar al-Bashir was followed by several unsuccessful attempts at democratic transition and finally a military coup by the military in 2021. Years later, violations of public space laws continue unabated and the country is still mired in conflict. .

In Pakistan, the first military coup in 1958 aimed at creating a stable democratic environment was followed by several decades of military rule and continuous attacks on society. Authorities in the country continue to silence dissent by repressing activists, protesters and journalists.

In Ethiopia, when Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed received the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 and finally secured a peace agreement with Eritrea, hopes were high for regional peace and stability. Since then, however, he has presided over a bloody civil war in which great atrocities were committed. The country is in turmoil, human rights organizations are urging the authorities to stop oppressing public spaces and respect the rights of political opponents, journalists and activists.

If Professor Yunus's government fails to include civil society in decision-making and strengthen democratic institutions, post-Hasina Bangladesh may also fall into these pitfalls. But these are not the only possible situations. After a revolution, pro-democracy forces can also remain strong and enable complex, but also beautiful, realities to emerge.

Sri Lanka, where widespread protests forced President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to resign and flee the country two years ago, is one example. Although things were far from perfect, the transition of power took place through established democratic systems in the country. Last month, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who ran on a promise of better governance and stability, won Sri Lanka's presidential election.

Chile is another example of how democratic power can endure in the face of elite clawback. Despite strong opposition from the established forces, popular protests in Chile in 2019-2022 against economic inequality led to a series of reforms in education, health and pensions. Guatemala, where in January a president-elect was inaugurated despite the old regime's repeated attempts to end a peaceful transfer of power, could provide useful lessons for Bangladesh's fledgling government. In both cases civil society has played a major role.

Although protests and uprisings did not produce public opinion and full democracy in any of these countries, neither did it result in a return to square one.

The interim government of Bangladesh should pay attention to these examples where the community achieved important victories in difficult and complex situations. It should, however, also learn from the cases where democratic forces fail to prevent the tyrants who helped overthrow them from being taken over by equally corrupt, undemocratic leaders.

It is unreasonable to expect any new government to produce satisfactory reforms in all areas and full democracy overnight, especially after decades of dictatorship. But countless examples around the world show that building a better future from the ruins left by long-term authoritarian leaders is possible – as long as the new leadership works with determination, promotes dialogue with civil society, and stays on the democratic path.

If the interim government of Yunus makes a mistake, and the new leadership begins to try to prevent democratic dissent by suppressing the communities and shutting down protests – whether these protests are those who support the previous regime or others who are impatient for change – the mistakes made during the previous transition elsewhere may end up being repeated in Bangladesh. In such a scenario, the ongoing protests that ousted Hasina, and the years of Yunus as leader, will be reduced to footnotes in the long history of dictatorship.

But if Professor Yunus does it right, takes from the successful experience of other countries, and lays the foundations of a strong democracy in Bangladesh, he can be an inspiring person like Mandela, and give to other countries in South Asia, where civil liberties exist. widely suppressed, with a regional example of a successful post-revolutionary revolution. Many in the international community are ready to support him.

Bangladesh is at a crossroads, and how Yunus and his advisers manage to navigate the current political climate while respecting human rights and civil liberties will determine the future of their democracy.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial position of Al Jazeera.